
Jammu vs Kashmir: A tale of unequal treatment
Lucky and privileged is overwhelmingly Muslim-dominated Kashmir. It has been getting everything – state power, excessive representation in Assembly, universities, technical and professional institutions, jobs, contracts, creation of new districts and tehsils included — on a platter ever since October 1947, when Maharaja Hari Singh threw in the lot of his princely state with the JL Nehru-headed newly-created Indian Dominion. It also consistently enjoyed favourable media. You may put in any amount of efforts to find if the Kashmiri Muslims ever fought for things other than separate status, greater autonomy/ limited accession, self-rule, demilitarization, Indo-Pak joint-control over J&K, total control over the region’s polity and economy and porous border/ LoC, you will come out of the exercise minus everything.
The story of Jammu, which remained at the helm of affairs between March 1846 and October 26, 1947, is totally different. It is one of the woeful tales and a relentless struggle. The ruling elite at the Centre and Kashmiri Muslim-dominated governments in the state did everything to render the people of Jammu province – ardent believers in the concept of the Indian State and votaries of J&K’s full integration into India – weak, helpless, and irrelevant. In fact, they were abandoned even by their own so-called representatives, belonging both to the Congress and the BJP. So much so, their representatives on crucial occasions covertly, and even overtly, hobnobbed/flirted with the Kashmiri Muslim ruling elite to puncture and defeat the Jammu people’s struggles and promote their own selfish interests. The Kashmiri-dominated media and, sadly, the media at the national level hardly ever talked about the needs, aspirations, and compulsions of the suffering people of Jammu province. The situation over the period climaxed to the point that they had to launch a struggle again and again, make supreme sacrifices, incur huge economic losses due to hartals and bandhs, and face brutal police action even to get for their region universities and medical institutions.
Take, for example, the struggles in Jammu for the establishment of Jammu University in 1969 (Congress/ GM Sadiq’s rule), Mata Vaishno Devi University and Agricultural University in 1998 (NC/ Farooq Abdullah’s rule), Central Jammu University in 2011 (Omar Abdullah/ Congress’s rule and AIIMS in 2015 (Mufti Sayeed/ BJP rule).
Jammu University
In 1966, Jammu-based students of J&K University, which was established at Srinagar in 1948, and students of GGM Science College, Jammu, launched a struggle to obtain justice for the discriminated against Jammu province. It was a massive and very popular struggle. They, among other things, demanded the establishment of a separate university, a separate medical college, and a separate agricultural university for Jammu province. Instead of appreciating and considering their genuine demands, the insensitive government unleashed a reign of senseless brutalities against the agitating student community. So much so, on October 18, the state police shot dead four students, namely Brij Mohan, Subhash Chandra, Gulshan Handa, and Gurcharan Singh, inside and outside the GGM Science College. The brutal killing of these students and other acts of barbarity committed by the Congress government changed the whole political scenario in the region. There was a revolt against the government, and it was a massive affair. The situation had turned so volatile that the J&K government, in consultation with the Indira Gandhi-led Union government, constituted, on November 6, 1967, a 3-member commission to look into the whole issue and suggest measures which could end unrest in and conciliate the aggrieved, outraged, and agitating people of Jammu province. It was headed by former Chief Justice of India P B Gajendragadkar (Bombay). The other two members were Shankar Prasad (Delhi) and Badr-ud-Din Tyabji (Hyderabad). B P Bagchi, ICS, was the secretary of the Commission.
The Commission submitted its 136-page report to the government in December 1968. It acknowledged that both Jammu province and Ladakh were treated shabbily and unfairly and, among other things, recommended three regional development boards, one each for Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh, and the establishment of a separate university for Jammu. The government rejected almost all the recommendations. However, it did accept the recommendation that sought the establishment of a separate university for Jammu. It was established in Jammu City in 1969. In fact, the Jammu campus of J&K University was converted into the University of Jammu. J N Bhan from Kashmir became its first Vice-Chancellor.
A memorial has been built in honour of the four martyred students in front of the GGM Science College gate, and the student community observes Shaheedi Diwas every year for three days (Oct 16-Oct 18).
Mata Vaishno Devi and agricultural universities
The movement for the establishment of Mata Vaishno Devi University and Agricultural University was started at 9.30 a.m. on February 28, 1998, from the classroom where this writer was teaching a class of first-year MA History students. Actually, that day, Jammu Joint Students Federation (JJSF) activists led by its president, Rajinder Jamwal (presently in BJP), asked this writer, who was then HoD History, Jammu University, to leave the class, as they wanted to discuss with my students two issues – almost total exclusion of Jammu students from the MBBS select list and creation of separate Competent Authority for Jammu region. I told them that I will also join the movement if they include in their charter of demands two more demands — the establishment of Mata Vaishno Devi University and the Agricultural University. They agreed and movement started with people from all walks of life, including lawyers, business leaders, transporters, women and girl students, and senior citizens, extending their fullest possible support. Convinced that the student community and the general masses were committed to achieving their goal at any cost, the Jammu-based Congress leaders and the BJP also joined the movement. The movement came to an end on May 6, 1996, when the then Chief Secretary to the J&K government, Ashok Jaitley, signed an agreement with the agitating students in the office chamber of the then Vice Chancellor, R R Sharma. The epicentres of the movement were three – Jammu Bar Association’s headquarters, Mubarak Mandi, the place where the memorial in honour of the four martyred students was built, and this writer’s official residence in the university. Ajaat Jamwal and Zorawar Singh (now in the BJP) handled the media.
In between, Jammu witnessed many police-protestors clashes, long marches, disturbances during the Law Minister P L Handoo’s event in Jammu University on March 20, a continuous bandh for 12 days, a chain hunger strike for 43 days, and a fast-unto-death for 30 days. Besides, educational institutions remained closed for 67 days, business establishments remained closed for 15 days, and the community of lawyers suspended work for almost a month. In between, highways leading to Kashmir were blocked, and a demand seeking state status for Jammu province was also raised. Such was the nature, composition, and magnitude of the movement.
In between, the government held several rounds of talks to defuse the situation. A reference to the one that took place at Circuit House, Jammu, on April 9 is imperative. That day, the government invited seven members of JJSF, Jammu Joint Action Committee (JJAC), and Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). They included Rajinder Jamwal, this writer, Satish Gupta, and Prithavi Raj Gupta (business leaders), HC Jhelmeria (advocate), Jammu University Research Scholars Association (JURSA) president, Hari Dutt Shishu (now in the BJP), and ABVP state secretary, Vishal Sharma. The government was represented by NC ministers, Bodh Raj Bali and Ajay Sadhotra, Additional Chief Secretary, Ajit Kumar, Divisional Commissioner Jammu, BS Jaswal, Deputy Commissioner Jammu, Suresh Kumar, and IGP Jammu, Kuldeep Khoda. Then Director of Information, K B Jandial, was also present at the Circuit House.
During the meeting, the government representatives tried their best to divert the issue on the plea of “legal hassles”, but with no result. For, this writer countered their arguments with facts and figures and confronted them with official documents, including the DO No. 5(2)/96EDN-II, dated Feb 22, 1997, written by RS Parodha, Secretary-Director General, Department of Agriculture and Research, Government of India, to BN Yugandhar, Secretary in the PM’s office. Parodha had recommended the establishment of a state university at Jammu. The government representatives had tried to mislead by saying that the Farooq Abdullah government wanted the Centre to allow the establishment of a state university in Jammu, but the Centre insisted that it should be a central university. This writer also had in his possession the negative and communally motivated cabinet proceedings on the issue of Mata Vaishno Devi University.
The April 9 meeting produced the desired result. Convinced that his government would collapse if it failed to meet the popular demands, Farooq Abdullah government introduced Bills in the Assembly on April 22 for the establishment of Mata Vaishno Devi and Agriculture Universities. Both the Bills were adopted in no time, and both the universities were finally established. This, despite the fact that the movement was still in full swing and treasury benches had opposed both the Bills and demanded that the same be referred to the Select Committee. All the opponents and critics were from Kashmir.
(To be continued)
Note:
1. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
2. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of PGurus.
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