Jammu and Kashmir: Assembly elections will revive hybrid governance structure

Rizvi’s warning, coupled with rational and national suggestions, deserves a very dispassionate and objective consideration

Rizvi’s warning, coupled with rational and national suggestions, deserves a very dispassionate and objective consideration
Rizvi’s warning, coupled with rational and national suggestions, deserves a very dispassionate and objective consideration

Tehmeena Rizvi’s warning

At a time when all Kashmiri Muslim politicians, including all the former chief ministers, who muddied the Indian waters and disturbed the delicate socio-religious and political equilibrium in J&K, and anti-Sanatan outfits like INDI Alliance have unleashed a relentless campaign to force the Narendra Modi government to hold Assembly elections in the Union Territory to establish what they call a democratically-elected government, a PhD student from Bennett University, Tehmeena Rizvi, has cautioned the Centre by advancing some very solid, trustworthy and convincing arguments. In fact, in her superb and commendable article “Jammu and Kashmir needs democracy – but it isn’t ready for an election”[1], she has warned the Centre that holding elections in J&K at this point in time would simply mean revival of dangerous hybrid governance structure.

SC on elections

What motivated her to pen down this piece was the suggestion of the Supreme Court that Assembly elections should be conducted in Jammu and Kashmir. The Apex court, which heard almost two dozen petitions against the abrogation of Article 370 and bifurcation of the erstwhile State into the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir and the Union Territory of Ladakh between August 2 and September 5, 2023, had asked the Union government as to when it would hold Assembly elections in the Union Territory.

Three questions

Rizvi has asked three questions while opposing the idea of elections at this juncture:

  • One, “We must assess whether the political and security situation in Jammu and Kashmir is conducive to free and fair elections. Have we successfully eliminated external influences that used to interfere with public affairs and democratic processes before the abrogation of Article 370?”
  • Two, “Can we realistically expect the Central Government to completely eradicate the long-standing influences from Pakistan, spanning over 75 years, in the region? Have we indeed moved from secessionism, which created an atmosphere of fear and intimidation?”
  • Three, “Considering the significant external pressure and the lingering fear of violence, have elections in Kashmir genuinely been free and fair in recent times?”

“These questions demand objective answers before we proceed with the electoral process in Jammu and Kashmir, ensuring that the upcoming elections are conducted in a manner that upholds the principles of fairness and democracy,” she has suggested.

Abrogation of Article 370

Endorsing the decision of the Narendra Modi government to abrogate Article 370, she has said: “Our country faces a dilemma when it comes to Jammu and Kashmir. While we cherish our democratic values and consider elections an essential part of our political and social fabric, we cannot turn a blind eye to the harsh realities on the ground in that region. These realities were a driving force behind the decision to revoke Article 370…Since August 2019, considerable progress has been made in J&K, including the systematic degradation of secessionist and terrorist networks. The administration is resolute in eradicating this system entirely, but it is a process that will take time.”

Arguments against elections

Tehmeena has advanced many arguments against the demand-seeking Assembly elections. For example, she has said: “As long as secessionist ideologies and their support structures persist, even in weakened states, they can influence mainstream politics in Kashmir and alter the electoral landscape, as they have historically done. Additionally, the persistent threat of violence and the involvement of terrorists has in the past complicated the electoral dynamics in the region. This complex situation necessitates careful consideration and strategic planning as we move forward.”

Tehmeena’s other five arguments are:

  • One, “In the early nineties, as Pakistan-sponsored organized terrorism began to take hold, the Central government took control of Jammu and Kashmir in January 1990, a situation that persisted until November (read October) 1996. The government’s initial goal was to hold elections in the region, driven by a genuine desire to serve national interests. However, this endeavour inadvertently led to the establishment of a compromised governance system. This system was forced to appease elements with allegiances to Pakistan due to the pervasive fear created by terrorists.”
  • Two, “Under the constant threat of terrorism, the governance system operated in an atmosphere of fear, and elections were conducted under these challenging conditions. Political separatist groups, bolstered by the influence of armed insurgents and street violence, came to set the agenda for discussions within the Legislative Assembly. It became common for the majority of the J&K Assembly’s proceedings to revolve around contentious issues like self-rule, dual currency, autonomy, self-determination, and soft separatism. Delhi-bashing became the norm, and competitive secessionism became a prominent theme.”
  • Three, “there still exists an underlying fear of secessionist-terrorist intimidation, and if this fear isn’t completely eradicated before conducting elections, there’s a significant risk of reverting to a hybrid governance structure in Jammu and Kashmir that prioritizes the interests of our adversary at the cost of the Indian exchequer.”
  • Four, “Historically, due to a combination of compromise, deceit, fear, favouritism, intimidation, and propaganda, the choices available to the people have been severely restricted. Therefore, it is essential to broaden the spectrum of choice, ensuring they are devoid of secessionist and terrorist influences. We still need to provide security cover to people foraying in electoral politics.”
  • Five, “Overt and covert manipulation of the electoral process would only result in the emergence of hybrid regimes, resembling the situation in Pakistan where the amalgam of gun, baton, and vote rules the country. This is something that should not be permitted in Jammu and Kashmir. Instead, the democratic culture prevailing in the region should align with core Indian democratic values. Let’s not leave the task in J&K unfinished.”

Correct assessment

Rizvi’s warning, coupled with rational and national suggestions, deserves a very dispassionate and objective consideration. She has made a valid case against Assembly elections.

Separatists de-facto rulers

I would also add a few words on how the chief ministers, who also held the Home portfolio, the Law Department in Jammu and Kashmir, and the office of Advocate General worked in tandem to shield, protect, and embolden the Islamist terrorists and separatists of all hues. The situation under them had climaxed to the point that Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, Yasin Malik, Shabir Shah, and others of their ilk used to play all the shots with utmost ease. They were the de-facto rulers and nothing moved in the state without their consent and concurrence. And, as for the chief ministers like Farooq Abdullah, Mufti Sayeed, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Omar Abdullah, and Mehbooba Mufti, they have virtually converted the Assembly into a den of anti-Bharat activities and a platform for pro-Pakistan elements, including Mohammad Akbar Lone of the National Conference (presently Member of Lok Sabha belonging to the NC). They were tools of subversion.

Conclusion

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah would do well to consider what Tehmeena Rizvi has said and suggested. They would also do well to further break the backbone of Kashmir jihad by segregating Jammu from Kashmir and converting Jammu into a full-fledged state and Kashmir into a Chandigarh-type Union Territory. There is no other option available to achieve the desired results.

Note:
1. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
2. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of PGurus.

Reference:

[1] Jammu and Kashmir needs democracy – but it isn’t ready for an electionSep 21, 2023, The Indian Express

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