Conspiracies
Kashmir became part of the Jammu Kingdom in March 1846 under the Treaty of Amritsar. The Treaty was signed by the Dogra Maharaja, Gulab Singh, with the British Indian government. To be more precise, Kashmir became part of the Dogra Kingdom, consisting of the Jammu region and the very vast Trans-Himalayan region, Ladakh, in 1846, and not vice-versa. The Dogras remained at the helm of affairs in the state between 1846 and October 26, 1947. On October 26, 1947, the then Dogra Maharaja, Hari Singh, a patriot of patriots and great reformer, exercised his constitutional authority vested in him by the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and acceded his state to the Indian Dominion. The Indian Dominion was then under the nominated Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and the nominated Governor-General and former Viceroy of India, Lord Mountbatten, who was not supposed to exercise plenipotentiary powers, which he exercised by offering a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir to MA Jinnah at Lahore. Both were rabidly anti-Hari Singh, and both created serious problems for the Indian Dominion in Jammu and Kashmir. Both conspired against the Maharaja and Jammu and Kashmir. They helped to hilt Pakistan, which was created out of British India in August 1947 on the basis of a pernicious two-nation doctrine. They helped Pakistan grab what is called Pakistan-occupied-Jammu and Kashmir (originally part of Jammu province and all ethnically non-Kashmiri and all non-Kashmiri speaking) and the Gilgit-Baltistan region/ Northern Territories (originally parts of Ladakh, again all ethnically non-Kashmiri). They helped the aggressor Pakistan to the extent that they caused grievous injuries to the nation’s sovereign interests by complicating the otherwise normal process of accession and taking the issue of Jammu and Kashmir to the biased United Nations under a wrong clause. Both created an impression across the globe that the accession of Jammu and Kashmir with the Indian Dominion didn’t really mean that the political future of this border region had been settled once and for all. But this constituted just one dark chapter of what Nehru and Mountbatten willfully did in and to Jammu and Kashmir to hurt the Indian nation – a mindboggling unilateral ceasefire at a time when the Indian forces had the Pakistani raiders, regular and irregular, on the run, included.
The other dark chapter was the sinister conspiracy, which was again hatched by Nehru and Mountbatten to help the well-known Dogra Jammu-baiter, communalist of communalists and separatist of separatists, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah of Kashmir, convert Jammu province and Ladakh region into Kashmir’s colonies, render the people of these two regions, including Dogras and Buddhists, unreal and ineffective and exploit them, and create an unbridgeable gulf between Kashmiri Muslims and the rest of the nation on the basis of religion. They transferred the state power from Jammu to Srinagar immediately after the accession and created an environment that forced Maharaja Hari Singh to remain in exile in Bombay till his death on April 26, 1961. They empowered Sheikh Abdullah, father and founder of the Muslim Conference/ National Conference, to rule/ govern Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh in the manner he wished or exercise dictatorial powers. One of the fundamental factors that had embittered the relations between Hari Singh and Nehru was the latter’s arrest in 1946 by the State Forces at the Kohala Bridge across the Jhelum River while he was entering Kashmir to express his solidarity with the detained Sheikh Abdullah, his friend and co-conspirator, who had launched “Quit Kashmir Movement” on May 15, 1946 to get Kashmir separated from the Dogra Kingdom.
Night of despair
Backed-to-the-hilt by Nehru and his Congress and armed with absolute legislative, executive, and financial powers, Sheikh Abdullah took no time in excluding the people of Jammu, Hindus and Muslims included, from all walks of life. He and his Kashmir-based coterie and his handful of Jammu-based henchmen established Kashmiri Muslim stranglehold over the state’s polity by establishing an all-National Conference Constituent-cum-Legislative Assembly in 1951 through wholesale rigging. His fundamental objectives were three: Convert Kashmir into a one-community region, punish and humiliate the Dogras dismissed by the anti-Amritsar Treaty National Conference as aliens and oppressors, and establish a Switzerland-type independent Kashmir with Jammu and Ladakh as its colonies and the people of these two regions as Kashmir’s subjects entitled only to crumbs.
The attitude of those who succeeded him, including Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, GM Sadiq, Syed Mir Qasim, Farooq Abdullah, GM Shah, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Omar Abdullah, and Mehbooba Mufti (all Sunni and all from Kashmir) towards Jammu and Ladakh was no different. All, without any exception, religiously treaded the path charted by Sheikh Abdullah, and all enjoyed New Delhi’s full backing and patronage. Exclusion of Jammu from all walks of life was their motto and single-point agenda. The excluded, discriminated against, and humiliated people of Jammu groaned under the yoke of the oppressive Kashmiri Muslim rule; they cried and protested at regular intervals, but with no result.[1]
Ironically, the Dogras’ night of despair and discontent did not draw to its close even after the installation of the People’s Democratic Party-BJP coalition government on March 1, 2015. This, notwithstanding the fact that the BJP had contested the 2014 assembly elections on the Jammu plank and won for the first time 25 seats – all in Jammu. The story of their plight remained unchanged even during the Central Rule (June 19, 2018-October 15, 2024).[2]
Discrimination continues
Omar Abdullah, who, as Chief Minister, had misgoverned the State of Jammu and Kashmir in alliance with the Congress between 2009 and 2014, took over as the first-ever Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir Union Territory on October 16, 2025. Did his government change its policy towards the grossly ignored and discriminated against people of Jammu province? The discussion and debate during the first-ever budget session in the Union Territory on March 13, 17, and 18, 2025, established that the attitude of the Omar Abdullah government toward Jammu province was as discriminatory as it was during the earlier Kashmiri Muslim-dominated, Kashmir-centric, and pro-autonomy regimes.
It was the BJP MLA from Udhampur West (Jammu) and former Minister of State for Finance, Pawan Gupta, who, on March 13, lambasted the government for meting out step-motherly treatment to Jammu. He claimed that Kashmir Division was allotted Rs 1,000 crores more than Jammu Division in the School Education sector. He was participating in the debate on grants for School/ Higher Education and Health and Medical Education Departments.
“Jammu Division has been allocated Rs.4,474 crore while Kashmir Rs.5,439 crore in School Education sector. There is a difference of nearly Rs.1,000 crores. During the previous budget, the Jammu Division was allotted Rs.4,563 crores, which indicates that Rs.89 crores less were allotted to Jammu this year, while the Kashmir Division was provided Rs.4,931 crores. The funds for the Kashmir Division were increased by Rs.508 crores, and Jammu’s were reduced by Rs.98 crores. Again, in the Higher Education sector, Rs.260 crores were provided for universities/ colleges in Jammu, while Rs.343 crores in Kashmir Division…While government colleges are being provided funds at the rate of Rs.7-8 crores, the private colleges/ universities at the rate of Rs.30 to 44 crores…What was the criteria for providing funds to the government and private institutions?” said Pawan Gupta.
Referring to the Health sector, Pawan Gupta said: “Rs.8,800 crores are the budgetary allocations for this sector. While Rs.1,536 crores have been allocated to the Jammu Division, Rs.2,402 crores have been earmarked for the Kashmir Division. Interestingly, Rs.4,800 crore have been kept at the disposal of the Commissioner/ Secretary concerned. The vote is being sought for passage of grants for the amount disclosed in the House, and there should be clarity on the utilization of Rs. 4,800 crores in the Health sector.”
“The printed booklets of grants were not provided in advance to the members participating in the debate and a wrong precedence has been set in the House…The Chief Minister must end discrimination with the Jammu region,” he further said.
Some of the arguments advanced in the House read like this:
“These two sectors are indeed key indicators of a state’s or economy’s well-being and development, as they directly impact human capital, productivity and societal progress. Education is the foundation for economic growth, while healthcare is also vital for sustainable development…Investing in education and healthcare can significantly contribute to poverty reduction. Access to quality healthcare can reduce the burden of disease, improve health outcomes and help individuals and families escape poverty.”[3]
Again, on March 17, Pawan Gupta claimed that the ruling dispensation was “perpetuating its traditional designs of discrimination with the Jammu province” by doling out limited finances and identifying a lesser number of beneficiaries for most government schemes compared to the Kashmir region. Speaking during discussion on the grants of Information and Technology, Food, Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs, ARI and Trainings, Transport, Youth Services and Sports, and Science and Technology Departments, Pawan Gupta, asked “why should the Assembly vote for the passage of grants when the Union Territory government had been making huge profits out of the ration purchased from the Centre at a lower price and sold at a higher price under the Public Distribution System (PDS) in the region.”
Giving examples, he said: “The Union Territory has been purchasing wheat at the price of Rs.6.10 per kg from the Centre and selling the same under PDS at the rate of Rs.12 per kg. Similarly, rice is being procured at the price of Rs.8.30 per kg and sold at the price of Rs.15 per kg.”
He accused bureaucrats and the National Conference government of adopting a discriminatory attitude towards the people of Jammu province in a most brazen manner. Citing examples, he said: “While 88,282 rations cards were issued by the government under the AAY (Antyodaya Anna Yojana) scheme in Jammu region, it issued almost double the number of ration cards (1,45,219) in the Kashmir region under the same scheme…The government has been manipulating the data about the (number of) souls in the Kashmir region under the AAY scheme…It has been shown in the grants that Jammu has 2,42,214 souls as against 5,97,449 in Kashmir. These differences in the number of souls are not possible…”
“Similarly, under the PHH (Priority Household) category, 5,40,421 ration cards were issued in the Jammu province, as against 7,63,032 issued in the Kashmir region with 21,53,598 souls benefiting under the scheme in the Jammu region, as against 31,38,210 in the Kashmir province. Under the NPHH (Non-Priority Household) category, 3,36,823 ration cards were issued in Jammu province, as against 4,13,708 issued in Kashmir province with 12,86,439 souls benefiting in Jammu region, as against 16,33,000 souls benefiting in the Kashmir province…I challenge the treasury benches and the bureaucrats to counter me with facts to prove me wrong,” he further said while tearing into the Omar Abdullah government.[4]
None of the concerned ministers refuted the claims and allegations made by Pawan Gupta. They maintained a stoic silence. Their silence clearly suggested that the MLA from Udhampur West was right.
On March 18, another BJP MLA from the Udhampur district, Balwant Singh Mankotia, took on the Omar Abdullah government and said that it was earmarking more funds for the Kashmir region and lesser funds for Jammu province as far as the development of the tourism industry in the Union Territory was concerned. Citing an example, he said that while the government allocated “30 to 40 percent” funds for the development of tourism sector in Jammu province, despite the fact that “as many as 2.91 crore tourists” visited this region, including the devotees of Mata Vaishno Devi, Kashmir got “60 to 70 percent” funds notwithstanding the fact that “only 34 lakh tourists visited Kashmir.” He further said that tourist spots in Jammu province like Patnitop were being wilfully ignored.”[5]
Promotion of Arabic, Persian, Urdu
Earlier in November 2024, the School Education Department referred to the Jammu and Kashmir Public Service Commission (JKPSC) 575 posts of lecturers to be filled in by direct recruitment. Out of 575 posts to be filled in, 473 were for the main subjects and 102 posts for languages. It referred to the JKPSC Zero post for Hindi, one post for Punjabi, two posts for Arabic, three posts each for Dogri and Kashmiri, four posts for Persian, 36 for Urdu, and 53 posts for English.
What was the number of Kashmiri, Dogri, Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu, Pushto/ Afghani, and Arabic-speaking people in Jammu and Kashmir? As per the 2011 census report, the number of Kashmiri-speaking people was 66,80,837; Dogri-speaking people 25,13,712; Hindi-speaking people 26,12,631; Punjabi-speaking people 19,193; Urdu-speaking people 19,956; Pushto/Afghani-speaking people 17,942; and Arabic-speaking people 181 (mostly senior citizens).
The fact that the School Education Department referred to the JKPSC only three posts each for Dogri and Kashmiri (part of the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution), six posts for Arabic and Persian and as many as 36 for Urdu only served to indicate that the authorities were promoting the Arabic and Iranian cultures in the Union Territory and they had contempt for the local cultures.[6]
Senseless opposition
The House witnessed a heated verbal duel between the National Conference and BJP legislators over allegations of discrimination with Jammu province. What Pawan Gupta had said to prove that Jammu province was being discriminated against had irked the ruling party MLAs. Some of them included Ajaz Jan, Abdul Majid Larmi, Shafi Wani, and Nazir Ahmed Khan. They objected to the claims made by Pawan Gupta and said that his “figures are not correct.” Some of them even accused Pawan Gupta of dividing two regions by using “biased” figures. “You’re trying to divide the people of Jammu and Kashmir. We won’t let this happen,” said Abdul Majid Larmi. They even raised slogans like “Awaz Do Hum Ek Hain.”[7]
If the Omar Abdullah treated the people of Jammu province shabbily and unfairly and his party’s legislators entered into verbal duel with the BJP MLAs, some Kashmir-based Muslim legislators left no stone unturned during the debate to dilute the issue of discrimination with Jammu by raking up the reservation policy and telling the House and the Chief Minister that the new reservation policy was pro-Jammu and anti-Kashmiri Muslim.
Take, for example, what the Peoples Conference (JKPC) chief and MLA, Sajad Lone, said. Speaking in the assembly on March 13, he said: “The current reservation policy was being used as a tool ‘to exclude Kashmiri-speaking population (in this case Muslim) from power structure and reorder the social supremacy’ in the Union Territory…Attempts are being made to change the social supremacy by disempowerment. It looks like reordering through the current reservation policy. After 20 years, very few Kashmiri-speaking people will be seen in the Secretariat of Jammu and Kashmir…Each passing day, Kashmiri-speaking candidates figure less in the results of competitive examinations. This is not because they are incompetent but because the space was being squeezed. They are being crowded out from the competitive space by virtue of system of reservation, which is totally rigged against them by the current 60 percent reservation policy.”
“Figures suggest that the Kashmiri-speaking population who qualified for the JKAS (Jammu and Kashmir Administrative Services) examination was 19 percent in 2023, 25 percent in 2022, and 21 percent in 2021. An internal survey needs to be carried out to check the net loss to the Kashmiri-speaking population if this reservation policy did not exist in J&K…Kashmir, being a conflict state, should ideally see special measures, but the ‘reverse’ is happening. For 30 years, the discourse from Delhi was ‘teach them a lesson’ and ‘show them their place’. This is a post-dated cheque for disaster. In the last 30 years, the Kashmir region has seen turmoil and violence. Overall, mental makeup has gone through a lot. That script was written by enemies, and this script is written by us…Those bureaucrats who drafted the reservation policy will leave Jammu and Kashmir ‘but we will face a social disorder.’ ‘If you are going to push merit to the wall and not give them admission in colleges, it will cause disorder’ that our children will have to face. It is something generational…The Kashmir region has no SC (Scheduled Caste) population. In the Kashmir region, the ST (Scheduled Tribe) population is 40 percent, and in the Jammu region, it is 60 percent. STs living in the Jammu region are comparatively marginalised and scattered, unlike the Kashmir region, where entire constituencies belong to the ST communities. ST communities should be allowed to compete more within the Jammu region…The elected government (needs) to rationalise the current reservation policy,” Sajad Lone further said.[8]
On the other hand, the ruling National Conference MLA Bashir Ahmed Veeri submitted a Private Members Bill seeking “rationalisation in reservation.” The Bill sought a 60 percent reservation for Open Merit and 40 percent for categories.[9]
The Kashmir-based Muslim MLAs opposed the reservation policy in the assembly on many grounds. And, relevant portions from the March 17 report in the New Indian Express, captioned “Reservation row: Jammu gets upper hand, Kashmir overlooked”, inter-alia, read like this: “A total of 67,112 SC certificates and 5,39,309 ST certificates were issued in the Union Territory from April 1, 2023 to March 2025, but no SC certificates were issued in Kashmir in that period. Of the total ST certificates, only 79,813 (14.7%) were issued in Kashmir. All SC certificates and 4,59,493 (85.33%) ST certificates were issued in Jammu in the same period…268 villages in the Jammu region benefited under the ALC (Actual Line of Control) category compared to 16 villages in Kashmir. Under the IB (International Border) category, 551 villages in the Jammu region received benefits, while there were no such beneficiaries in all 10 districts of the Valley. Under the RBA category, 1,379 villages in the Jammu region received benefits, while 1,229 villages in the Valley benefited. …27,420 Economically Weaker Section (EWS) certificates were issued in Jammu region as compared to mere 2273 in all 10 districts of the Valley.”
The Narendra Modi government had done exceedingly well on August 5, 2019, by freeing the discriminated against Ladakh from the clutches of Kashmiri Muslim leadership. It should have accorded a similar treatment to Jammu province considering the fact that the plight of the Dogras was no different from that of the Ladakhi Buddhists. But it was not done, much to the chagrin of the people of Jammu.
Note:
1. Text in Blue points to additional data on the topic.
2. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of PGurus.
References:
[1] For details, see Hari Om’s Beyond the Kashmir Valley, Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi, 1998, PP. 24-46 [Story of neglect]
[2] For details, see Hari Om’s Nation Betrayed: Essays on Contemporary Jammu and Kashmir, Har-Anand Publications, 2023, PP. 151-184 [Disempowering and Demonising Jammu]
[3] Jammu faces huge discrimination in allotment of funds: Pawan Gupta – Mar 14, 2025, Daily Excelsior
[4] BJP, NC MLAs enter into heated verbal duel over ‘discrimination’ allegations – Mar 18, 2025, Daily Excelsior
[5] Jammu Kashmir Assembly: Balwant Singh Mankotia Speaks – Mar 19, 2025, YouTube
[6] Is J&K Promoting Arabic and Iranian Cultures – Nov 26, 2024, Daily Excelsior
[7]BJP, NC MLAs enter into heated verbal duel over ‘discrimination’ allegations – Mar 18, 2025, Daily Excelsior
[8] Sajad Lone flays J&K reservation policy; says it is a tool to disempower Kashmiri-speaking ethnic group – Mar 13, 2025, The Hindu
[9] Reservation row: Jammu gets upper hand, Kashmir overlooked – Mar 17, 2025, The New Indian Express
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